The OPVL and rhetorical analysis of the two speeches are available on the drop down bar under Speech Rhetorical Analysis. Below are the excerpts of the two speeches I will be using to analyze, as well as the links to the full copies of the speeches in both English and their original language.
Hitler's Speech at The Berlin Sportspalasat- January 30, 1940
Democratic ideals are a big topic of discussion right now; not in Germany, but other parts of the world talk about them. We in Germany have learned our lesson with democratic ideals; if the rest of the world praises these ideals, we can only answer that the German people had the chance to live within the purest form of this ideal, and we ourselves are now reaping the legacy left by this democracy. We then get a lecture on the wonderful goals of war, especially from the British side. Great Britain has much experience in proclaiming goals of war, considering they have waged more wars than anyone else. The goals they proclaim today are fantastic: the creation of a new Europe. This Europe will be a just place, and the general equality will make arms unnecessary, so we can all disarm. This disarmament is supposed to kick start a period of economic blossoming, trade and movement should commence, especially trade, much trade, free trade! And from this trade, culture is supposed to bloom, and not just culture, but religion, too. In one phrase: the golden age is supposed to dawn. Unfortunately, this golden age has been described in a very similar fashion on several occasions, and not even by prior generations, but by the same people that are describing it yet again today. It's like a very worn-out groove on an old LP. We should pity these gentlemen, who haven't found a new, big idea to hook the people on, because they promised the same things in 1918: the goal of war then was also a "new Europe" and a "new equality", this new equality whose main element is abolishing a nation's right to self-determination. At that time, an equality that would make arms unnecessary in the future was promised. Thence issued the program of disarmament of everyone. And to make this disarmament especially manifest, it was supposed to be crowned by a union of all disarmed states, which had decided that, in the future, all differences (at least no one doubted there would still be differences) between them should be, well, as it is the custom among democracies, be talked to pieces in open discussions. Under no circumstances should there be any more shooting. And at that time it was already said that the consequences of this disarmament and this worldwide parliament would be an incredible blossoming, a blooming of industry and especially (and much emphasis is always put on this) of trade, of free trade. Culture, as well, should not be disregarded in this process, and while one spoke a little bit less about religion at the end of the war than at the beginning, we at least were told, in the year 1918, that it would be a blessed era that God would smile upon.
We are experiencing now what happened then: the old states were dissolved without even asking their peoples' opinion. Not in one single case was the nation asked if it agreed with the measures that others would put into place in them. Old, almost historical bodies were dissolved - not just states, but also economic bodies. One could not imagine something better in their stead, since what is created over a period of several centuries is probably better than anything else; it was definitely impossible for those people that view all of European history with the greatest arrogance to create something better.
So that was the time of a democratic Germany! Today, when foreign statesmen pretend not to be able to trust the modern Germany, it does not apply to the previous Germany: for was not that previous Germany birthed by and created by them, so they could trust it.
And how badly they treated that Germany! Who still has complete memories of the history of that time: the horrible collapse of 1918, the tragic occurrences of 1919, and then all the years of domestic economic deterioration, the ongoing enslavement and impoverishment of our people, and most of all the complete hopelessness! Today, still, it is unsettling to think of that time, when a great nation slowly lost trust not just in itself, but in any sort of worldly justice. During this whole time, democratic Germany hoped, begged, and protested in vain. The international financial sector stayed brutally inconsiderate and squeezed as much as it could out of our people; the statesmen of the Allied nations remained hardhearted. It was mercilessly said, on the contrary, that 20 million Germans were too many. No one listened to the wretchedness of our unemployed, no one cared about the ruin of our agriculture or industry, not even of our trade. We remember this silencing of traffic that occurred at this time in the German Reich. At this time, when all hope was gone, when begging was proved to be futile, when protesting did not lead to victory: it was at this time that the National Socialist movement was created from one basic insight: the insight, that one is not allowed to hope in this world, nor beg, nor lower oneself by protesting. Instead, one needs to help oneself!
For 15 years, in this democratic Germany, hope was preached, hope for a new world, for new institutions. Every side had its international patron. Some hoped for the international solidarity of the proletariat, others placed their hope in democratic international institutions, on the League of Nations in Geneva. Still others hoped for a global conscience, for a cultural conscience, etc.
All this hope was in vain. We have put a different type of hope in the place of that previous hope: the hope of the only help that exists in this world, help through one's own power. The place that hope occupied is now filled with faith in our German people, in the mobilization of its eternal inner values. Back then , we had very little real tools to help us. What we saw as the building blocks of the new Reich, besides our own will, was firstly our people's manpower, secondly the intelligence of our people, and third that which our Lebensraum has to offer, namely, our earth and soil. Thus we began our work and subsequently witnessed this internal German ascent. This internal German ascent, which did not threaten the rest of the world in any way, which was purely internal German reforms, still instantaneously managed to produce hate in others.
Link to Recording of Hitler's Speech: http://www.ushmm.org/online/film/display/detail.php?file_num=2566
Link to German Translation of Speech:
https://docs.google.com/document/d/1ItC_M9U2m1w6pQO1jUxfz7hNvXqhsSYLd7DeyStuSWk/edit?usp=sharing
Link to Full English Translation of Speech: https://docs.google.com/document/d/1PclKBqNsrkT6EMTHJkXY-Ug3EnzyghuW9mvCSEmviyE/edit?usp=sharing
Hitler's Speech at The Berlin Sportspalasat- January 30, 1940
Democratic ideals are a big topic of discussion right now; not in Germany, but other parts of the world talk about them. We in Germany have learned our lesson with democratic ideals; if the rest of the world praises these ideals, we can only answer that the German people had the chance to live within the purest form of this ideal, and we ourselves are now reaping the legacy left by this democracy. We then get a lecture on the wonderful goals of war, especially from the British side. Great Britain has much experience in proclaiming goals of war, considering they have waged more wars than anyone else. The goals they proclaim today are fantastic: the creation of a new Europe. This Europe will be a just place, and the general equality will make arms unnecessary, so we can all disarm. This disarmament is supposed to kick start a period of economic blossoming, trade and movement should commence, especially trade, much trade, free trade! And from this trade, culture is supposed to bloom, and not just culture, but religion, too. In one phrase: the golden age is supposed to dawn. Unfortunately, this golden age has been described in a very similar fashion on several occasions, and not even by prior generations, but by the same people that are describing it yet again today. It's like a very worn-out groove on an old LP. We should pity these gentlemen, who haven't found a new, big idea to hook the people on, because they promised the same things in 1918: the goal of war then was also a "new Europe" and a "new equality", this new equality whose main element is abolishing a nation's right to self-determination. At that time, an equality that would make arms unnecessary in the future was promised. Thence issued the program of disarmament of everyone. And to make this disarmament especially manifest, it was supposed to be crowned by a union of all disarmed states, which had decided that, in the future, all differences (at least no one doubted there would still be differences) between them should be, well, as it is the custom among democracies, be talked to pieces in open discussions. Under no circumstances should there be any more shooting. And at that time it was already said that the consequences of this disarmament and this worldwide parliament would be an incredible blossoming, a blooming of industry and especially (and much emphasis is always put on this) of trade, of free trade. Culture, as well, should not be disregarded in this process, and while one spoke a little bit less about religion at the end of the war than at the beginning, we at least were told, in the year 1918, that it would be a blessed era that God would smile upon.
We are experiencing now what happened then: the old states were dissolved without even asking their peoples' opinion. Not in one single case was the nation asked if it agreed with the measures that others would put into place in them. Old, almost historical bodies were dissolved - not just states, but also economic bodies. One could not imagine something better in their stead, since what is created over a period of several centuries is probably better than anything else; it was definitely impossible for those people that view all of European history with the greatest arrogance to create something better.
So that was the time of a democratic Germany! Today, when foreign statesmen pretend not to be able to trust the modern Germany, it does not apply to the previous Germany: for was not that previous Germany birthed by and created by them, so they could trust it.
And how badly they treated that Germany! Who still has complete memories of the history of that time: the horrible collapse of 1918, the tragic occurrences of 1919, and then all the years of domestic economic deterioration, the ongoing enslavement and impoverishment of our people, and most of all the complete hopelessness! Today, still, it is unsettling to think of that time, when a great nation slowly lost trust not just in itself, but in any sort of worldly justice. During this whole time, democratic Germany hoped, begged, and protested in vain. The international financial sector stayed brutally inconsiderate and squeezed as much as it could out of our people; the statesmen of the Allied nations remained hardhearted. It was mercilessly said, on the contrary, that 20 million Germans were too many. No one listened to the wretchedness of our unemployed, no one cared about the ruin of our agriculture or industry, not even of our trade. We remember this silencing of traffic that occurred at this time in the German Reich. At this time, when all hope was gone, when begging was proved to be futile, when protesting did not lead to victory: it was at this time that the National Socialist movement was created from one basic insight: the insight, that one is not allowed to hope in this world, nor beg, nor lower oneself by protesting. Instead, one needs to help oneself!
For 15 years, in this democratic Germany, hope was preached, hope for a new world, for new institutions. Every side had its international patron. Some hoped for the international solidarity of the proletariat, others placed their hope in democratic international institutions, on the League of Nations in Geneva. Still others hoped for a global conscience, for a cultural conscience, etc.
All this hope was in vain. We have put a different type of hope in the place of that previous hope: the hope of the only help that exists in this world, help through one's own power. The place that hope occupied is now filled with faith in our German people, in the mobilization of its eternal inner values. Back then , we had very little real tools to help us. What we saw as the building blocks of the new Reich, besides our own will, was firstly our people's manpower, secondly the intelligence of our people, and third that which our Lebensraum has to offer, namely, our earth and soil. Thus we began our work and subsequently witnessed this internal German ascent. This internal German ascent, which did not threaten the rest of the world in any way, which was purely internal German reforms, still instantaneously managed to produce hate in others.
Link to Recording of Hitler's Speech: http://www.ushmm.org/online/film/display/detail.php?file_num=2566
Link to German Translation of Speech:
https://docs.google.com/document/d/1ItC_M9U2m1w6pQO1jUxfz7hNvXqhsSYLd7DeyStuSWk/edit?usp=sharing
Link to Full English Translation of Speech: https://docs.google.com/document/d/1PclKBqNsrkT6EMTHJkXY-Ug3EnzyghuW9mvCSEmviyE/edit?usp=sharing
Stalin Speech at Congress of Finnish Social-Democratic Labor Party, Nov. 14 1917
Comrades, I have been delegated to greet you on behalf of the workers’ revolution in Russia, which is shaking the capitalist system to its foundations. I have come to you to greet your Congress on behalf of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Government of Russia, the Council of People’s Commissars, which was born in the fire of this revolution.
The bondage of landlordism has been broken, for power in the countryside has passed into the hands of the peasants. The power of the generals has been broken, for power in the army is now concentrated in the hands of the soldiers. A curb has been put on the capitalists, for workers’ control is rapidly being established over the factories, mills and banks. The whole country, town and countryside, rear and front, is studded with revolutionary committees of workers, soldiers and peasants, which are taking the reins of government into their own hands.
They tried to scare us with the bogey of a breakdown of the machinery of state, sabotage by officials, and so on. And we knew ourselves that the new, socialist government would not be able simply to take over the old, bourgeois state machine and make it its own. But we had only to set about renovating the old machine, purging it of anti-social elements, and the sabotage began to melt away.
They tried to scare us with the bogey of war "surprises," the possibility of the imperialist cliques creating complications in connection with our proposal for a democratic peace. And, indeed, there was a danger, a mortal danger. But that danger arose after the capture of Ösel when the Kerensky Government was preparing to flee to Moscow and surrender Petrograd, and when the British and German imperialists were making a deal for peace at the expense of Russia. On the basis of such a peace the imperialists could indeed have wrecked the cause of the Russian and, perhaps, of the international revolution. But the October Revolution came in time. It took the cause of peace into its own hands, it struck the most dangerous weapon from the hands of international imperialism and thus saved the revolution from mortal peril. The old wolves of imperialism were left with one of two alternatives: either to bow to the revolutionary movement that is flaring up in all countries, by accepting peace, or to carry on the struggle by continuing the war. But to continue the war in its fourth year, when the whole world is suffocating in its grip, when the "imminent" winter campaign is arousing a storm of indignation among the soldiers of all countries, and when the filthy secret treaties have already been published—to continue the war under such circumstances means to doom oneself to obvious failure. This time the old wolves of imperialism have miscalculated. And that is why the bogey of imperialist "surprises" does not scare us.
Lastly, they tried to scare us with the bogey of the disintegration of Russia, of its splitting up into numerous independent states and hinted thereby that the right of nations to self-determination proclaimed by the Council of People’s Commissars was a "fatal mistake."
Complete freedom for the Finnish people, and for the other peoples of Russia, to arrange their own life! A voluntary and honest alliance of the Finnish people with the Russian people! No tutelage, no supervision from above, over the Finnish people! That is why we smile when we are told that Russia will inevitably fall to pieces if the idea of the right of nations to self-determination is put into practice.
Comrades! Information has reached us that your country is experiencing approximately the same crisis of power as Russia experienced on the eve of the October Revolution. Information has reached us that attempts are being made to frighten you too with the bogey of famine, sabotage, and so on. Permit me to tell you on the basis of the practical experience of the revolutionary movement in Russia that these dangers, even if real, are by no means insuperable! These dangers can be overcome if you act resolutely and without faltering. In the midst of war and economic disruption, in the midst of the revolutionary movement which is flaring up in the West and of the increasing victories of the workers’ revolution in Russia, there are no dangers or difficulties that could withstand your onslaught. In such a situation only one power, socialist power, can maintain itself and conquer. In such a situation only one kind of tactics can be effective, the tactics of Danton—audacity, audacity and again audacity!
And if you should need our help, you will have it—we shall extend you a fraternal hand.
Of this you may rest assured.
Stalin's Speech in Russian: https://docs.google.com/document/d/1qH9fv7RceTLhvIIUkLDZscH63m4fxXorEeKN-ugvkao/edit?usp=sharing
Stalin's Speech in English:
https://docs.google.com/document/d/1qH9fv7RceTLhvIIUkLDZscH63m4fxXorEeKN-ugvkao/edit?usp=sharing
Comrades, I have been delegated to greet you on behalf of the workers’ revolution in Russia, which is shaking the capitalist system to its foundations. I have come to you to greet your Congress on behalf of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Government of Russia, the Council of People’s Commissars, which was born in the fire of this revolution.
The bondage of landlordism has been broken, for power in the countryside has passed into the hands of the peasants. The power of the generals has been broken, for power in the army is now concentrated in the hands of the soldiers. A curb has been put on the capitalists, for workers’ control is rapidly being established over the factories, mills and banks. The whole country, town and countryside, rear and front, is studded with revolutionary committees of workers, soldiers and peasants, which are taking the reins of government into their own hands.
They tried to scare us with the bogey of a breakdown of the machinery of state, sabotage by officials, and so on. And we knew ourselves that the new, socialist government would not be able simply to take over the old, bourgeois state machine and make it its own. But we had only to set about renovating the old machine, purging it of anti-social elements, and the sabotage began to melt away.
They tried to scare us with the bogey of war "surprises," the possibility of the imperialist cliques creating complications in connection with our proposal for a democratic peace. And, indeed, there was a danger, a mortal danger. But that danger arose after the capture of Ösel when the Kerensky Government was preparing to flee to Moscow and surrender Petrograd, and when the British and German imperialists were making a deal for peace at the expense of Russia. On the basis of such a peace the imperialists could indeed have wrecked the cause of the Russian and, perhaps, of the international revolution. But the October Revolution came in time. It took the cause of peace into its own hands, it struck the most dangerous weapon from the hands of international imperialism and thus saved the revolution from mortal peril. The old wolves of imperialism were left with one of two alternatives: either to bow to the revolutionary movement that is flaring up in all countries, by accepting peace, or to carry on the struggle by continuing the war. But to continue the war in its fourth year, when the whole world is suffocating in its grip, when the "imminent" winter campaign is arousing a storm of indignation among the soldiers of all countries, and when the filthy secret treaties have already been published—to continue the war under such circumstances means to doom oneself to obvious failure. This time the old wolves of imperialism have miscalculated. And that is why the bogey of imperialist "surprises" does not scare us.
Lastly, they tried to scare us with the bogey of the disintegration of Russia, of its splitting up into numerous independent states and hinted thereby that the right of nations to self-determination proclaimed by the Council of People’s Commissars was a "fatal mistake."
Complete freedom for the Finnish people, and for the other peoples of Russia, to arrange their own life! A voluntary and honest alliance of the Finnish people with the Russian people! No tutelage, no supervision from above, over the Finnish people! That is why we smile when we are told that Russia will inevitably fall to pieces if the idea of the right of nations to self-determination is put into practice.
Comrades! Information has reached us that your country is experiencing approximately the same crisis of power as Russia experienced on the eve of the October Revolution. Information has reached us that attempts are being made to frighten you too with the bogey of famine, sabotage, and so on. Permit me to tell you on the basis of the practical experience of the revolutionary movement in Russia that these dangers, even if real, are by no means insuperable! These dangers can be overcome if you act resolutely and without faltering. In the midst of war and economic disruption, in the midst of the revolutionary movement which is flaring up in the West and of the increasing victories of the workers’ revolution in Russia, there are no dangers or difficulties that could withstand your onslaught. In such a situation only one power, socialist power, can maintain itself and conquer. In such a situation only one kind of tactics can be effective, the tactics of Danton—audacity, audacity and again audacity!
And if you should need our help, you will have it—we shall extend you a fraternal hand.
Of this you may rest assured.
Stalin's Speech in Russian: https://docs.google.com/document/d/1qH9fv7RceTLhvIIUkLDZscH63m4fxXorEeKN-ugvkao/edit?usp=sharing
Stalin's Speech in English:
https://docs.google.com/document/d/1qH9fv7RceTLhvIIUkLDZscH63m4fxXorEeKN-ugvkao/edit?usp=sharing